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JOUNI KITIN SEMINAARIESITELMÄ SAAMEKSI JA ENGLANNIKSI   Eallin Anáris 1800-logus otnábeaivái   Dáid jagiid sámitge leat beroštišgoahtán iežaset ruohttasiin. Norgga bealde leat dahkkojuvvon buorit sohkagirjjit Guovdageainnu, Kárásjoga ja Buolbmága guovlluid sámisogaid birra. Gos mun boađán ja gosa gulan leat gažaldagat, mat bidjet olbmo smiehttat. Iežas duogáža dovdan addá roahkkatvuođa birget máilmmis, mas álbmogiidgaskasašvuohta lea eanet ja eanet mielde. Earret sohkadutkama maiddái čeardadutkan lea geasuhišgoahtán olbmuid sámeguovllus. Movttáskin iežan ruohttasiin juo 1960-logus. Muhto Ánde Hánnobárdni Gihte sohkasearvi vuođđuduvvui easkka 1998:s máŋggaid ságastallamiid ja oktavuođaváldimiid maŋŋá. Dat galggai leat gulahallangaskaoapmi miehtá Suoma, Davviriikkaid ja viidáseappotge bieđganan soga lahtuide. Seammás dat vuođđuduvvui sohkadieđuid čoaggima doarjjan. Dáinna vuosttas deaivvademiin mii geahččalat duddjot ja nannet oktavuođa Gihtte-soga lahtuid gaskkas. Doaivvu mielde mii oahpásmuvvat dán deaivvadeami bokte ođđa olbmuide ja gávdnat oktasaš beroštumiid. Earálágan jahkásaš deaivvademiid bokte mii áigut doallat oktavuođa boahtevuođasge iežamet sohkii. Jahkášin ja doaivvošin oktasaš ášši bokte gavdnat ođđa oahpásiid ja buđaldanáiggeájiid. Sohkadutkan lea oanehaččat dadjat mannan buolvvaid ohcan. Gáržžet geahčadettiin dat lea áhči beale soga govvideapmi. Go dieđut čoggojit, de olbmo iežas máilmmigovva viidu ja áddejupmi mannanáiggis čiekŋu. Soga dutkkadettiin beassá oahpásmuvvat historjjá johtui ja fuomáša ahte oppa máilmmi dáhpáhusat speadjalastet veagal min máttuid eallimii.   Mo dutkagohten iežan soga? čuovvovaččas muitalan oanehaččat, mo ieš bargagohten dáinna bargguin. Movttáskin iežan sogas juo 1960-logus, go eadni Jovnniillas Mággá, lei vel eallimin. Jearahallen su ja su fulkkiid ja oahpásmuvven veháš arkiivvaide. Fuomášin, mo dát bargu nannii fulkkežiid oktiigullevašvuođa ja attii fulkkiid galledallamii áibbas ođđa mearkkašumiid. Ja de gávdnen Sámi čuvgehussearvvi sámi bearašregisttargoarttaid. Go vuosttas coakci 1700-logu bealde lei gávdnon, de fidnejin seamma goarttaid bokte lassedieđuid 1800-logus ja Ánde Hánnobárdni Gihte maŋisboahttiid birra. 1900-logu bealde lean dássážii čoaggán dušše muhtun dieđuid vuosttažettiin Kárášjoga ja Guovdageainnu gielddaid sohkagirjjiin. Girkogirjjiid dieđuid in leat dássážii geargan olusge atnit ávkin. Dat leat goittot vuosttas, álkimus ja oalle juo máŋggabealat diehtogáldu. Daidda báhpat merko searvegotti lahtuid eatnanlaš ja vuoiŋŋalaš eallima jođu girku ektui. Girkogirjjiid lassin gávdnojit valjis earáge áššegirjjit, maid vuođul sáhttá beassat áiggis maŋásguvlui gitta 1500-logu beallai. Muhto jos háliida diehtit Ánde Hánnobártni vánhemiid ja máttuid birra, de ferte dutkagoahtit Norgga beale arkiivvaid. Dát leage min čuovvovaš ulbmil. Vaikko áiggis maŋásguvlui ii menddo guhkás beasašiige, de sáhttit čiekŋudit iežamet dovdamuša máttuideamet eallimis máŋgga gáldus. Lean fuomášan ahte sohkadutkan lea dego detektiivabargu. Ollisvuohta čoggo smávva bihtážiin. Muhtumin šaddá bargat guhkáge duššás, muhto go de gávdná juoga ođđa ášši, de dat addá buori miela. Dákkár barggus ferte leat kritihkalaš, muhto seammás olbmos galgá leat miellagovvádus. Duođaštusstuhkat fertejit leat luohtehahttit, buot eará galgá dovddastit dušše navddusin. Dán sáhkavurrui leat arkiivadieđuid vuođul čohkkejuvvon dieđut, maid dássážii lea leamaš vejolaš gávdnat Ánde Hánnobárdni Gihtes ja su mánáid ja mánáid mánáid birra. Dasa lassin lean čohkken sus persovnnalaš jearahallamiid vuođul ja eará gálduid bokte ođđa ja varrasetge dieđuid. Nubbin boahtteáiggi ulbmilin min searvvis leage váldit čielgasa Ánde Hánnobárdni Gihte buot maŋisboahttiin buot vejolaš gálduid vuođul. Sohkahistorjjá čohkken lea smávva bihtážiid čoakkildeapmi, main dasto sáhttá duddjot stuorát ollisvuođaid. Hárve gávdnojit gárvves diehtopakeahtat, main lea eambbo dohppet dieđu, man dárbbaša.   Midjiide buohkaide lea atnu Ánde Hánnobárdni Gihte sohkasearvi vuođđuduvvui čakčamánu 11. beaivve 1998. Ovttastusregistaris fidnejuvvon dieđuid mielde searvi lea Suoma áidna virggálaččat registrerejuvvon sámi sohkasearvi. Registreren lei dego álgu min soga dutkamii. Gihtiid birra eai lean ovdal čohkken systemáhtalaččat dieđuid. Dál go mis lea jurdda čohkkegoahtit systemáhtalaččat dieđuid, de oktan vuođđun mis lea ainge Sámi čuvgehussearvvi sámi bearašregisttar. Mii čohkkegoahtit juo dál maiddái iežamet sohkagoarttaid, nu ahte buorit olbmot dohppejehket fárrui bearašgoartta, man sáhttibehtet deavdit dáppe dahje maŋŋá ruovttus.   Manin aiddo Ánde? Sohkaservviin lea álo juoga ovttas sohppojuvvon vuolggasadji. Dat lea dábálaččat juoga áigečuokkis dahje vuođđoolmmoš. Máŋgii soga guovddášolmmožin válljejuvvo dakkár olmmoš, gii lea juogaláhkai mearkkašan sohkii. Midjiide dat lei muhtun olmmoš, midjiide hui dehálaš olmmoš. Namalassii álo go bođii sáhka Gihtte-sogas, de millii badjánii Ánde Hánnobárdni Gihtte. Ánde lei eallán jagiid 1786-1849. Ságastallamiid maŋŋá bođiimet dan oaivilii ahte aiddo Ánde livččii vuogas olmmoš min sohkasearvvi vuođđoolmmožin ja seammás buorre vuođđu soga historjjá dutkamii. Rádjegieldu 1852 bágge válljet juogo Norgga dahje Suoma.   Ánde Hánnobárdni Gihtte lei Suoma bealde ássan Gihtiin dat, gean ássanbáikin sáhtii gávnnahit Ohcejoga. Su birra eai leat goittot olus dieđut arkiivvas eaige boares olbmuid muitodieđus. Dan diehtit ahte Ánddes ledje guhtta máná, geat buohkat elle ollesolmmožin. Briittá, Lemet, Hánsa ja Jovnna sis vuođđudedje bearraša: Ánde Hánnobártni Gihte 1786-1849 Su eamit Mággá Ánddenieida Jomppanen Sudno mánátja mánáid mánát: Ánde rieg. 1811, Briitta 1812; Klemet 1816; Hansa 1818; Jovnna 1823; Aslat 1827 I-naittos: Mággá 1837; Mággá 1852; Ándaras 1844; Nilla 1863 Máret 1840; Ella 1855; Niillas 1846; Ovllá 1848 ; Briitta 1858; Hansa 1848 Mihkal 1852 Niillas 1863; Mággá 1851 Ráudná 1865; Inká 1856; Risten 1864; II.naittos: Hanno 1883; Johan P. 1887; Ovllá 1890; Risten 1894;   Go Gihtet 1852:s ásaiduvve Anárii ja Ohcejohkii, de sis lei geavahusas oppa viiddis meahcceguovlu, gos bohccot bállejedje guohtut. Ánde Hánnobártni mánáin ledje eanaš stuorra bearrašat. Visttit ledje duon áigge gáržžit, várra dušše okta ássanlatnja ain visttis. Makkárin Gihtet dasto oidne dan máilmmi, gos šadde eallit, go ásaiduvve Anárii? Áššegirjjiin dán birra leat uhccán dieđut. Muhto sierra gálduid vuođul sáhttit goittot govahallat, makkár lei dalá máilbmi ja makkárat dat eallindilálašvuođat, main min máttut elle. Áššegirjedieđuid mielde Ánde Hánnobárdni lei badjealmmái, ii goittot várra mihkkige boazoriggáid, muhto sus ledje almmatge dan mađe bohccot ahte ealihii daiguin iežas ja bearraša. Ovdalgo rádji Norgii giddejuvvui boazosámiin 1852:s, de Ánde lávii várra johtit giđđat mearragáddái ja máhcai fas dálvái Suoma beale vuovdeeatnamiidda, gos lei jeagil bohccuide ja suodji ja boaldinmuorra olbmuide. Vaikko Ándde riegádanbáikin lea merkejuvvon Ohcejohka, de su mánát gulle daidda badjeolbmuide, geat easkka jagi 1852 rádjegielddu maŋŋá ásaiduvve Suoma beale duottar- ja vuovdeeatnamiidda. Várra Norggas livčče fárren Suoma beallai ollu eanetge olbmot, jos Suoma bealde eai livčče cakkadan. Dán ášši birra čállojuvvo ng. Sámi komitea smiehttamušas ee.: "Go vierroriikka vuollai gulli sámit Suoma beallai fárredettiin dábálaččat háliidedje boahtit oktan ealuiguin, de sin illá dohkkehedje Suoma ássin, áinnas jagi 1852 rádjegielddu maŋŋá, dasgo jeageleatnamiid galggai seastit riikka iežas ássiid bohccuid várás. Vánis dáidet leat dat olgoriikalaš sámit, geat lága garvimiin leat beassan livžžádit ealuideasetguin riikii ...". Geahčča maiddái vuolábeale kárttá: Áššegirjjiid mielde vuosttas boazosámit fárrejedje Anárii juo 1860-logus. 1865:s fárrejedje Ohcejogas golbma boazosámi bearraša: West, Länsman ja Högman. Vaikko rádjegieldu dáhpáhuvai juo 1852:s, de olbmot fárredallagohte stuorábut Anára beallai easkka 1880-logu áigge. 1880-logus fárrejedje Jompásat Menešjávrri birrasiidda; Ánde Hánnobárdni Gihte mánát ja mánáidmánát fárrejedje miehtá Anára. Lismájoga guovlluide fárrejedje Länsmanit 1865:s ja 1880:s. Oassi čálkko-Niillasa nieiddain ja bártniin náitaledje Briittá Gihte mánáidmánáiguin ja oassi Briittá vielja Hánno mánáiguin. Jagi 1852 rádjegieldu Suoma ja Norgga gaskkas lei váttásmahttán boazodoalu davimus Sámis. Go boazosámit rádjegielddu maŋŋá ásaiduvve Suoma beallai, de manne vel ollu jagit ovdalgo eallin stáđásmuvai. Anára beallai fárrejedje 1880-logus vuosttažettiin Jompásat, Länsmanit ja Gihtet. Vai árbevirolaš boazodoaluin sáhtii bargat, de galge viiddis eatnamat, ja go Ohcejoga jeageleatnamat nohkagohte, de olbmuid geasuhišgohte Anára viiddis ja dadjat juo guoskameahttun jeagelguovllut. Go Gihtet ásaiduvve guvlui, de oassi Anára beahceordaguovlluide ovdal vuođđuduvvon dáluin ledje birgenvejolašvuođaid váiluma dihte báhcán ávdimin ja olbmot ledje fárren Anára girkobáikái dahje Avvilii. Lei nappo valjis sadji ođđa boahttiide. Nuppástuvvan dilisge birgenlági vuođđun lei boazodoallu. Ándde mánáin Hánno fárrii Leammái, Jovnna Marastahkii ja Lemet Anárjávrri birrasiidda. Go dáin guovlluin eai ássan olus olbmot, de eai álgojagiin badjánan stuorát riiddut ođđaboahttiid ja ovddeš ássiid gaskkas. Lemet bargagođii maŋŋá šibitdoaluin, go bearaš stuorui. Duon áigge eai lean olus niittut guorba ordarádjeguovlluin. (c)ibihiid várás olbmot láddjejedje luktiid jekkiin.   Goavis eallindilálašvuođat 1800-logus Anáris ledje uhccán olbmot ja sii ásse bieđgguin miehtá Anára. Geassit johte suga ja goarkŋu, dahje dasto vácci. Dálvit johte herggiiguin. Viiddis meahcceguovlluid čađa ledje ovddežis soames váldojohtolagat. Daid mielde lávejedje johtalit maiddái virgeválddi ja girku ovddasteaddjit. Poasta guddojuvvui oktii mánotbajis Gihttelis. Oktii jagis dálvit fitne vearuid bearramin ja gearregiid doallamin. Anáris dat dáhpáhuvai várra Bealbajávrris. Oktii jagis olbmot fitne márkaniin juogo Bossegohpis dahje Várjjagis. Min soga máttuid ássanguovllut Anáris ledje dološ goddebivdin guovllut. Olbmot rogge ráhpporokkiid gottiid johtolagaid ala. Dákkár godderokkit gávdnojit ainge vuogas sajiin miehtá Anára. Goddenálli lei goittot buorre muddui nohkan juo 1700-logu bealde liiggálaš bivddu dihte. Go Gihtet bohte guvlui, de dušše ipmašis sáhtii vel deaivat gotti. Dát áiggit ledje maiddái muhtumin nealgeáiggit ja guovllus ássi olbmot šadde ain dorvvastit guolmmasláibái, geafes olbmo láibái. Dutkiid mielde Anáris njeide jagiid 1740-1880 badjel guokte miljovnna beazi guolmmasláibbi gárvvisteami várás. Ovdal jagi 1852 Anára álgoássiin, anáraččain, eai lean galle bohcco, mannan čuohtejagi loahpageahčen ledje juo Anáris 30 000 bohcco. Muhto ainge eanet ledje várra Anára ja Ohcejohka ordarádjeguovlluin bohccot ovdal rádjegielddu, go boazosámit besse friddja johtalit riikkaráji rastá (geačča kárttá 1.). Boazodoallu dáhpáhuvai nu ahte stuorát boazoeaiggádat dolle guhtege sierra bohccuideaset. Smávva boazoeaiggádat eai sáhttán seammaláhkai bargat bohccuiguin, muhto fertejedje guođđit daid mávssu vuostá riggábuid gehččui, ja dan sivas sin eallin lei máŋgii boazoriggáid miellaválddi duohken. Boazosámiid ásaiduvvan guvlui dagahii dihto váttisvuođaid anáraččaide, geat ásse dáppe ovddežis. Namalassii boazosámiid bohccot bilidedje máŋgii báikkálaš olbmuid niittuid, mii dagahii soahpameahttunvuođaid, mat dasto gal čovdojuvvojedje áššálaččat.   Boazodoallit ja dálolaččat Ánde Hánnobártni maŋisboahttit vuođđudišgohte vehážiid dáluid miehtá Anára, muhtun vuođđuduvvui Ohcejohkiige Gáregasnjárgga birrasiidda. Fáškku Basejávrái vuođđudii Nils Kitti 1884:s Basejávri-nammasaš dálu. Niila Kitti fas vuođđudii dohko Uutela-nammasaš dálu 1902:s. Hopitosjoensuu-nammasaš báikkis ásai álggos mu áddjá Jovnniilla ja su maŋŋá seamma báikkái vuođđudii dálu Uhca Hánno bártni Niiles Kitti 1899:s. Lismájohkii fárrii Niila Länsman, gii lei náitalan Briittá Gihte nieiddain Mákkáin. Lismajoki lei dálu namma, ja dat vuođđuduvvui 1907:s. Hannula-dálu vuođđudii Uhca-Hánno, Hánsa Gihte (r. 1818) bárdni. Njávdáma guovllos ásadii Jovnna Ánddebárdni Panne, gii lei náitalan Ella Lemetnieida Gihtiin. Dálu namma lei Varpuniemi ja dat vuođđuduvvui 1895:s. čivttajoga sisa vuođđudii Kitinlompolo-nammasaš ruvnnameahccetoarppa Niilo Kitti (Lemet Gihte bárdni). Solmusenlompolo-nammasaš ruvnnameahccetoarppa vuođđudii 1901:s Rauna Panne (Lemet Gihte nieida, gii náitalii dasto Lars Ole Westiin, dán čállosa čálli áhčiin). Ohcejoga bealde Ánde Hánnobárdni bártni Hánssa nieida Mággá (r. 1851) náitalii Niiles Niittyvuopioin ("Niillasaš"). Niillas vuođđudii Karigasniemi-nammasaš dálu. Mákká oabbá Iŋgá (r. 1856) fas náitalii Uula Niittyvuopioin ("Ovllaš-Ovllá"). Soai vuođđudeigga Jokisuu-nammasaš dálu. Jos lahkosiin deive leat luondduniittut, de olbmot doallagohte gusa, muhtumin eanetge šibihiid. Anárii fárren boazosámiin ledje dávjá guovttelágan viesut, giddes hirsavisttit ja goađit, maid sáhtii sirdit. Dálveviessu lei dábálaččat guovdu guohtoneatnamiid ja lei buorebut huksejuvvon go geasseviessu. Geasseviessu huksejuvvui guollás joga dahje jávrri gáddái. Doppe sáhtii leat gieddebihttá, návehaš ja láhtu. Geassebáikái fárrejedje miessemánu loahpas guotteha maŋŋá, dálvebáikái fas čakčat vuosttas muohttagiid áigge. Ánde Hánnobárdni Gihte maŋisboahttiin soapmásat ledje beakkán boazoriggát. čálkko-Niillasis lohke lean badjel 2 500 bohcco. Son lei náitalan Briittá Gihte nieiddain, Mákkáin. Uhca-Hánnos ledje 2000 bohcco ja Basejár-Ovllás 1200 bohcco. čálkko-Niillas-guoktá dálus ledje maiddái gusat. Eiseválddit čuovvugohte dáid riggáseamos Gihtiid, go sis ledje nu ollu bohccot. Virgeválddi ovddasteaddjit balle ahte stuorra ealut loktet vuvddiid ja guohtoneatnamiid. Ánde Hánnobártni Gihte mánáid váikkuhus oidno maiddái Anáris báikenamain, dego Aŋŋela maddabealde Jovnniillas gárdovuovdi dahje Paudejávrri maddabealde čivttajotalde Kittiluobbal, Eannodaga bealde Bealdojávrri láhka lea fas varra Uhca Hánno gandda Hánssa nama mielde namahuvvon Gihttiid guohtaeana. Ávvudanáiggit Juovllat ja beassážat ledje Ánde Hánnobártni mánáidege stuorra basit. Dalle sii lávejedje ain čavget Bealbajávrri girkui. Girkogiettis sáhtii oaidnit váccašeamen girkoveaga muzet- ja gabbabeaskkat badjelis. Márkanáiggit ledje muđuige ealaskas áiggit. Dalle gávppašedje ja deaivvadedje oahpes olbmuiguin. Gearretstobus fas čovde jos guđelágan láhkaáššiid. Árbediehtu ja muittašeamit Ja ná loahpas vel máhcán iežan eadnái, Magga Kittii. Son lei riegádan 1898:s (su áddjá Jovnna lei Ánde Hánnobártni nubbin nuoramus mánná). Vuosttažettiin sus lea báhcán mu millii dat, man čeahppi son lei muitalit. Go guldalin su muitalusaid gufihttariid ja stáluid birra, de lei dego livččen lean ieš daid oaidnimin. Su muitalusaid ruohttasat ledje dan rikkis máinnastanárbevierus, man siste son lei beassan eallit. Muittán vel hui bures muitalusa, mas muhtun sápmelaš lei lihkkohan gufihttara gusa. Ohppen diehtit ahte gufihttariid gusat ledje erenoamáš buorit bahččegusat. Doaivvun ahte dát dilálašvuohta roahkasmahttá min searvvi lahtuid gáhttet dan muitalanárbevieru, mii lea leamaš min máttuide hui ráhkis. Fuolkefuođa birra Árbevirolaš sápmelaš servodaga vuođđun lea fuolkevuohta. Diehtu fuokevuođas seaillui njálmmálaččat sohkabuolvvas nubbái. Ovdamearkan mu eatni muitii viđa sohkabuolvva duohkái dán gos ieš guđet Kitti dahje čalkku sohkii gullevaš sámit johte bohccuiguin. Fuolkevuohta čatnasii gillii, namma addimii, risváhnemiidda, bealljemearkkaide, siidaoktavuhtii, naittosdiliide jna. Dál máŋgasat eai šat dieđe olu iežaset sogaid dahje fulkkiid birra. Oktan sivvan dasa oainnán, ahte dálá sámenservodatvuohta lea láivon máŋgga láhkai. Máŋggat sámit leat maŋimuš logiid jagiid áigge fárren sámeguovllu olggobeallái látte- ja dažagiliide, márkaniidda ja gávpogiidda. Eret fárren olbmuid vuosttas sohkabuolva diehtá vel juoidda iežas soga birra, muhto dán máŋŋa dilli juo nuppástuvvagoahtáge johtilit; giella molsašuvvá, árvvut rievdagohtet jna. Ieš doaivvonge ahte 1800-logu áigge rádjegiddemiid čuovvumuššan boatkanan oktavuođat fulkiide das duohko buorránit ja gulahallan sin gaskka boađašii lunddolaš beaivválaš áššin. Dakkár sávaldagaiguin sávan din Ánde Hánnobárdni Gihtte sohkasearvvi beales buresboahtin dán dilálašvuhtii. Bargu lea dál biddjojuvvon álgui, muhto ollu lea vel barganláhkai.   Girjjalasvuohta: Aarseth, Bjorn 1980: Grenseoppgjorene og konsekvensene av disse for den nordsamiske bosetting i Norge. Grenser i Samenlanded. Norsk Folkmuseums SAMISKE SAMLINGER (s. 43-82). Itkonen T.I. 1948: Suomen lappalaiset vuoteen 1945. I ja II osa. Porvoo Karasjokslekter 1989: Slekhistorie for Karasjok fra 1600-årene till 1980-årene Kautokeinodlekter.2. 1986: Slekhistorie for Kautokeino sogn fra slutten 1600-årene till 1985. Komiteanmietintö 1905:3: Mietintö Lapinmaan taloudellisten olojen tutkimisesta. Komiteanmietintö 1901: Karjan ja porojen omistus Suomen maalaiskunnissa vuonna 1901. Komiteanmietintö 1904:2: Tilattoman väestön alakomitean mietintö kruununmetsämaiden asuttamisesta. Lapin Sivistysseuran saamelainen perherekisterikortisto Nahkiaisoja, Tarja 1995: Inarin pitäjän asutuskehitys vuosina 1805 vuosina 1805 - 1910. Oulun yliopisto, historian laitos. Suomen ja Skandinavian historian pro gradu-tutkimus lokakuu 1995. -s.125. Paulaharju, Samuli 1962: Lapin muisteluksia. Werner Södeström Osakeyhtiö. Porolaidunkomissio 1914. Renvall, A 1919: Mäntymetsän elinehdot sen pohjoisrajalla sekä tämän rajan alenemisen syyt. Valtionneuvoston kirjapaino.     THE WORLD AT INARI through the Kittis' eyes during the 19th Century   In the last few years, an increasing number of Saami, among others, have begun to take an interest in their roots. 'Where did I come from and where do I belong?' are questions that the Saami, for instance, are now asking. An awareness of our background takes us back to our roots and gives us the courage to survive in the modern world. Aside from studies of their own family - the "clan", closely related matters like tribal studies, have begun to interest the people inhabiting the Saami region, and a love of one's homeland is becoming obvious here, too. Proclaiming oneself a Lapp also reflects this same surge of interest.   My own interest in my roots dates back to the 1960s. However, Antti hannunpoika Kitti's lineage society was not founded until 1998, after a good deal of discussion and correspondence. It was created to act as a link between relatives scattered throughout Finland, the Nordic region, and indeed the world. It was also established for gathering information on the Kitti "clan" as a whole. Through this, our first meeting, we are endeavouring to forge and strengthen the ties between members of the Kitti family. I sincerely hope that our common interest will lead to new friendships and the taking up of new hobbies.   Studying a lineage is, in short, a search for past generations. Its simplest outcome is a record of a patriarchal line of predecessors. Yet, when gathering information, one quickly becomes aware of how one's own view of the world automatically expands and one's grasp of the past deepens as one proceeds. When carrying out a lineage study, the researcher is also obliged to acquainted himself with historical facts, as well as to note that the events of the entire world are unavoidably reflected in the lives of his own forebears.   How did the search for our ancestors start? I am now going to give a brief account of the progress I myself have made in my particular quest. As far back as the 1960s, when my mother was still alive, I began to ask questions of her relatives and people acquainted with the family and to go through all the relevant available documents. I observed how this kind of thing also strengthens the ties between close relatives, giving one an opportunity to delve into completely new dimensions.   Next I found the Saami family register cards kept by Lapin Sivistysseura. Once I had found the first point of attachment in the 18th Century, by making use of the same cards I found additional information on the 19th Century and on Antti Hannunpoika Kitti's descendants. As regards the 20th Century, I have thus far only compiled a few scattered facts, chiefly from the family records (in the broad sense) in the Municipalities of Karasjoki and Kautokeino.   I have not yet found time to delve very deeply into church records. However, these are the first and the easiest archival source, in addition to being the most comprehensive. In their registers the clergy entered the earthly and spiritual events in the life histories of their parishioners from the church's perspective. In addition to the church records, there is also an abundance of other documents which can be used to go as far back as the 16th century even. However, unearthing details about Antti Hannunpoika's parents and grandparents calls for a perusal of the records in neighbouring Norway. This is, in fact, next on my list.   Even when it is not possible to go very far back in time, we can obtain a deeper knowledge of the life of our predecessors from many other descriptions of the particular time and from written sources. I have noted that a lineage study is very much like the work of the classic police detective. An overview is obtained through many small fragments. At times a long search may yield nothing at all, but there again one may be overjoyed at unearthing an important scrap of knowledge. Although a critical approach is required in this kind of lineage study, imagination is also essential. Any evidence has to be reliable, otherwise one must bear in mind that conclusions drawn are mere assumptions.   I have included in this speech all the personal details gathered from archival sources which I have so far been able to obtain about Andaras Hannunpoika Kitti and his children. In addition, I have managed to glean new and even fresher facts by means of personal interviews and through some other channels. One of the society's aims for the future is to discover Antti Hannunpoika Kitti's descendants, using all possible sources. Compiling information on the family's history consists of painstakingly collecting small fragments for piecing together into a comprehensive picture. Only rarely does one come across ready-made "data packs" from which one can separate out just the information one desires.   All of us are needed Antti Hannunpoika Kitti's lineage society was founded on 11 September 1998. According to the society's records it is Finland's first officially registered Saami lineage society. Registration formed the starting flag for the commencement of the investigative work on the family. Before this formal establishment of the "clan" data had only been sporadically collected on the Kittis. One angle of approach in the systematic gathering of information has been to consult - as mentioned earlier - the Lapin Sivistysseura's Saami family registration card system. At this gathering of the "clan" we are making a start on collecting our own family cards, so please do take a family card and fill it in, either here or when you get home. Why Antti? Lineage societies always have some starting point about which there is a consensus. This generally takes the form of either a date or a personality. In many cases the personality chosen will be an important figure, for one reason or another, from the family's perspective. For us this personage turned out to be an extremely important individual in the shape of Antti Hannunpoika Kitti. Whenever one started to talk about the Kitti "clan", Antti Hannunpoika Kitti would figure prominently in the discussion. Antti lived from 1786 to 1849. Thus, after some discussion, Antti was selected as the ideal person to provide the root of the Kitti "clan" and thus to act as the starting point for the recording of the entire family's history.   Border closure of 1852 forces Saami to choose between Norway and Finland Among the Kittis on the Finnish side, Antti Hannunpoika Kitti is the one who could be pinned down to Utsjoki. However, there is scant information available about him in either the archives or in the "old folks'" memories. We do know that Antti sired six children, all of whom survived to be adults, and of these Briitta, Klemetti, Hanssi and Jouni established their own families.   When the Kittis settled in Inari and Utsjoki in 1852, their home for a start consisted of an entire uninhabited wilderness where reindeer could freely roam. Antti Hannunpoika Kitti's children's families were mainly very large. Houses of the time where in general very cramped, probably consisting of only a single room. One feels here like agreeing with Samuli Paulaharju in his book of Lappish reminiscences. According to Paulaharju, there is more room outside than in (unofficial translation): "The entire shore is as much a home as the Lappish tepee. On a sunny day, a Lapp may sit at his work, just as he might in his own tepee¼ Along the shore one sees Lappish sleds, overturned, scattered hither and thither, and reindeer sleighs, wheelbarrows even. At the edges of stones and tree stumps jackets hang, together with a worn and balding hide or two. On the northern fringe of the camp there is a "luõvvi", a roofed-over frame constructed from birch poles, where a variety of tools and requisites belonging to the tepee dwellers - bundles of shoe hay, a tar container, a saddle, a bag, reindeer reins, a balance - are in evidence. Under the shelter of the luõvvi's roof a store of dried reindeer meat is preserved, while from a birch branch depend a couple of dried reindeer stomachs. On the other side of the camp there are a couple of small tepees roofed with peat in which salted fish is stored. On the lake shore there is a seine net and some net racks. This is how the Reindeer Lapp's summer camp appears, the tranquil home of the inhabitants of the wilderness, far away beyond the fells."   What did the world look like, then, to the Kittis when they settled in Inari? The records offer us little detailed information on this. But by making use of some other sources we can gain some idea of the world and the circumstances in which our ancestors lived.   According to the records, Antti Hannunpoika was a reindeer herdsman, probably no major reindeer owner, but at least a man who supported himself and his family through reindeer and other products of nature. Before the border with Norway was closed to the reindeer herdsmen in 1852, Antti Hannunpoika most likely migrated up to the Arctic Ocean in spring, returning for the winter deep into the uninhabited lands on the Finnish side, where there was lichen for the reindeer, shelter for the people, and plenty of firewood.   Although Antti's place of birth is recorded as Utsjoki, his children were among those reindeer herdsmen who did not settle the fell lands on the Finnish side until after the border closure in 1852. Presumably there would have been immigration into Finland from Norway, had this not been prevented on the Finnish side. In regard to this, the Lapland committee says the following in its report (unofficial translation): "Since the Lapps governed by a foreign power, on entering Finland were most often desirous of bringing large herds of reindeer with them, the Finns were reluctant to accept them as Finnish citizens, especially after the border closure legislated in 1852, as the "lichen lands" had to be preserved for the reindeer belonging to Finland's own inhabitants. It appears that only very rarely were there foreign Lapps who, bucking the law, slipped quietly into the country along with their reindeer herds¼".   According to the records, the first Reindeer Saami moved to Inari as early as the 1860s. In 1865, three reindeer herdsmen's families came down from Utsjoki. These were named West, Länsman and Högman. Despite the border closure occurring in 1852, migration did not gain much impetus until the 1880s. In the 1880s, members of the Jomppanen "clan" moved to the Menesjärven district. Antti Hannunpoika Kitti's children and grandchildren also moved to various parts of Inari. The Länsmann's moved to the Lismajoki area in 1865 and 1880. Some of Salkko-Niina's sons and daughters married Briitta Kitti's grandchildren and some Hannu's children, Hannu being Briitta's much younger brother. The border closure between Finland and Norway in 1852 hampered reindeer herding in northernmost Lapland. When, after the closure of the border, the Reindeer Saami again settled in the area, in the same place but now in a permanent home, it was to be decades before life became stabilised. In the 1880s, the Jomppanens, Länsmanns and Kittis moved to Inari. Since nomadic reindeer herding calls for large areas of land and because Utsjoki began to suffer from a serious shortage of good reindeer pasturage owing to the sudden influx of excessive numbers of people, Inari and especially the extensive and almost untouched "lichen lands" of western Inari, offered an attractive alternative. When the Kitti "clan" settled the area, some of the farms established in Inari's pine tree limit zone had already been abandoned because they were unable to sustain the farmers. These farmers, who had been among the first settlers, had moved away to Inari "church village" and Ivalo. Thus, the lands had become desolate and empty, so that our forebears arrived in an area that appeared completely uninhabited by people.   Even under the changed circumstances, incomes were derived from reindeer husbandry. Of Antti's children, Hannu, Jouni, Klemetti and Briitta moved from the Utsjoki side to Inari, with Hannu first moving to Lemmenjoki, Jouni to Masatotunturi and Klemetti to Inarijärvi. Antti Hannunpoika Kitti's children settled down in Inari in an almost virgin area in the northern and western parts of the parish. As these areas were almost uninhabited, there were none of the occasional flare-ups between the new settlers and the Reindeer Saami. For a start, most of the Kittis who had moved to Inari lived they had always done, in other words, changing their place of residence as and when the reindeer grazing dictated a move to better pastures.   With an increase in the size of the families, Klemetti turned to cattle rearing. There were at that time hardly any meadows (in the modern sense) on dry ground in Inari's infertile areas above the tree line. Fodder ("bog hay") was mainly cut on boggy strips supporting a thin growth of sedges; such patches were generally scattered around human settlements at all points of the compass.   Harsh conditions Next, I am going to describe the conditions in which the people of the time were forced to live. The population of the 19th century in the region was low, and people lived scattered over various parts of Inari. In summer, people travelled on the waterways and along paths. In winter they used the traditional reindeer sledges. A few main routes through the vast, uninhabited wilderness had been established long before. In summer, people either rowed along the main waterway routes, or poled their boats along. In winter, these ancient routes were covered by reindeer sledge. These long established thoroughfares were also plied by officials and representatives of the church going about their duties. Once a year, in winter, taxes were collected and courts held. The venue here in Inari was most likely Pielpajärvi. A couple of times a year the wilderness folk went to market on the Norwegian side, at either Possukoppi or Varang. Paulaharju says (unofficial translation): "But in the shoreless land of mires and fells over which the populace is scattered, a local market has to be held in winter, when it is easiest to progress through the trackless wilds with a load of goods. The entire population of the district would visit the markets. Hot on the heels of the commercial travellers of the time the Crown appeared, to exact its taxes; a judge would appear to inform the Lapps about the law and to resolve their quarrels. The markets generally took place in the church districts of Lapland; trade was carried out on the land close to the church."   The post was carried to the Inari area once a month, from Kittilä right through the unpopulated sprawl of Repokaira.   What awaited our ancestors when they arrived here in the Inari region? They had come to the lands once used by their own forebears for trapping wild reindeer. Deep pit traps had been dug along routes frequently travelled by these animals, the traps being lined with sharpened stakes. We may still encounter such pits on the heathlands of Inari, or on narrow spurs of dry ground between lakes and mires. However, it appears that this method of catching wild reindeer ceased due to over-trapping as early as the 18th century. When the Kittis arrived here there were only a few wild reindeer left.   One feels sure that our ancestors found rows of these wild reindeer pits when they arrived, and gradually settled, in the region during the 19th century. Roving with their domesticated herds, they probably also bumped into the hungry stable population, which had been forced to turn to pine bark and cambium (pettuleipä) as a source of the raw materials for making bread. Historians calculate that over 2 million pine trees were used to provide these materials in the period 1740-1880.   Prior to 1852, there were few reindeer among the permanent inhabitants of Inari, the so-called Fishermen Saami. Around the turn of the 19th Century, at best some 30,000 head could be found grazing in the Inari region. Prior to 1852, when the Saami crossed from the Norwegian side into Finland, it is most probable that a rather large number of reindeer annually grazed the areas above the tree limit in Utsjoki and Inari (Figure 1).   Settlement of the region by Reindeer Saami created certain problems, which to some extent affected the population living here. What happened was that the reindeer of the richer herdsmen tended to make a mess of the meadows owned by the local population, leading to quarrels. The reindeer husbandry of the time was characterised by the larger owners caring for their herds themselves. Possibly it is in this era that the practice of raitio has its origins. Raitio meant that since the smaller owners were unable to care for their herds in the same way as the bigger owners, they were forced to "board out" their reindeer with the latter, a service they were naturally obliged to pay for. Thus, the smaller owners became dependent on the larger ones.   Reindeer herdsmen and homesteaders The Lapland committee of 1905 states that during the previous few decades the nomadic Lapps, like the Fishermen Lapps, had begun to establish new farms and Crown forest tenant farms, thereby becoming permanent residents. While nomads are forced to make use of a tepee on a temporary basis, the nomad and his family actually find a room surrounded by log walls much more comfortable. After acquiring a fixed home, the Lapp begins to go in for cattle rearing, procuring a cow or two for his own use. At the same time, he begins to cultivate hay and potatoes, insofar as the climate will allow. When settled, however, Lapps tended to follow their previous activities of reindeer herding and fishing to an undiminished extent. The committee records the number of "actual" Reindeer Lapp families in 1905 as 6 in Utsjoki and 23 in Inari. In other words, many of the Inari and Utsjoki Reindeer Saami appear to have been descendants of Antti Hannunpoika. We can gain an impression of our relatives' mode of life from the report of the same Lapland committee: "The nomadic way of life and living under cramped conditions seem to have led to cleanliness and neatness on the part of the Lapps leaving much to be desired. The Lapp's living room is often poorly swept and smelly, and the dishes are as dirty as the Lapp himself. Many Lappish houses do not have a sauna bath, although the Lapp eagerly bathes when the opportunity arises."   Many of Antti Hannunpoika Kitti's descendants rapidly began setting up farms in various parts of Inari, although a few were established towards Karigasniemi, as for instance at Pyhäjärvi on the River Vaskojoki, where Nils Kitti set up a farm he called the Pyhäjärvi homestead, in 1884. Not to be outdone, Niila Kitti established the Uutela farm in the same place in 1902, and Näärijärvi, also on the Vaskojoki, acquired Niilo Länsman's Koskenniska Crown forest tenant farm. The farm on the Hopitosjoki estuary was established by Niiles Kitti in 1899. Niila Länsman, who was married to Briitta Kitti's daughter Magga, moved to Lismajoki. His farm was called Lismajoki farm, dating from 1907. In the same year, "Little Hannu", that is Hanssi Kitti's (born 1818) son, founded Hannula farm. In the direction of Näätämö, Jouni Antinpoika Panne, who was married to Ella Klemetintytär Kitti, set up the Varpuniemi homestead in 1895. Niilo Kitti (son of Klemet Kitti) founded the Kitinlompolo Crown forest tenant farm at the long thin lake, or "lompolo", along the River Siuttajoki into which Lake Paudijärvi drains. The Solmusjoenlompolo Crown forest tenant farm was established in 1901 by Raudne Panne (Raudna was Klemetti Kitti's daughter), who later (1910) married Jouni Kitti's father, Lars Ole West.   1898 was a kind of heyday for establishing tenant farms, a total of 20 being founded in that year. The last surviving rental agreement was signed with Gaup's tenant farm, founded by Mihkal Gaup, whose grandmother was Antti Hannunpoika Kitti's daughter, Briitta Kitti. Among the Crown forest tenant farms, Lismajoki and Hannula later became new farms. There continued to be many Reindeer Saami setting up tenant farms, but most of the new farmers were in fact Fishermen Saami. Through the establishment of tenant farms by the Reindeer Saami, an increasing proportion of wilderness became inhabited. The spread of settlements into uninhabited regions ensured that there were hardly ever any rows between the settled, farming Saami and the Reindeer Saami. The only conflicts we are now aware of arose when the Fell Saami grazed their cattle too close to settled farmers' homesteads.   At Utsjoki, Magga (born 1851), one of Antti Hannunpoika's granddaughters, married Niiles Niittyvuopio. Magga was the daughter of Hans (born 1818), one of Antti Hannunpoika's sons. Niiles established the Karigasniemi homestead at Karigasniemi. Magga's sister, Inka (born 1856) married Uula Niittyvuopio at Karigasniemi, founding the Jokisuu homestead. The youngest of Magga and Inka's sisters, Kristiina (born 1864), married Petteri Guttorm at Karvasjoki. As the above review of the settlement of Inari by Antti Hannunpoika Kitti's descendants and the establishment of farms indicates, these people were living in the Vätsäritunturi, Silisjoki, Iijoki and Paudijärvi districts at the turn of the 20th century. Other members of the family could be found at Muotkatunturi, Peldoaivi and Pyhäjärvi, as well as in the upper reaches of the Vaskojoki, Repojoki and Ivalojoki rivers.   If there were meadows (in the classic sense) present in the places were the Kittis set up their farms or Crown forest tenant farms, they would begin to keep a cow and sometimes, though rarely, more than one. It was impossible to practise arable farming in the region in which Antti Hannunpoika's descendants settled; this was also the view of the authorities. The areas were simply unsuitable for cultivation. Owing to these difficulties, it is small wonder that there was a tendency to set up a Crown forest tenant farm. Many of the Reindeer Saami who moved into Inari at that time made use of two homes, one of which would be a permanent, log-built, one, the other movable. The former type was in general smaller than the houses the Finns lived in and also differed in its style of construction in being a ramshackle affair.   Our ancestors who had moved to Inari generally chose the centre of their reindeer grazing area as the site for their winter home. This would be better constructed than the summer home, which would be built next to some lake rich in fish, or on a river bank. They would move into their summer quarters, which would have a modest growth of crops around it, at the end of the reindeer calving season in late May. A transfer would be made to the winter home with the first snowfall. For keeping cattle and feed, each house had a cattle shed and some Finnish-style barns. There was normally only a single room in the summer house, whereas there were several in the winter house, or at least a kitchen-cum-living room and a smaller room. The rooms were small, low ceilinged and with tiny windows. The logs making up the walls rested directly on the ground, without any "footing". The Lapland committee of the time records that in terms of reindeer husbandry there is a sharp difference between the Lapps and the Finns, and indeed there are even discernible differences between Lapps engaged in different kinds of livelihoods. The Fell Lapp who lives off reindeer husbandry and nothing else is almost always to be found with his herd. He moves home as and when it becomes necessary to take his herd to new pastures. As recently as a few years ago these Lapps grazed their reindeer summer and winter, but in the last few years even the Fell Lapp, with a few rare exceptions, has begun to release his reindeer immediately after calving and marking, into their summer pastures, says the committee. The reason for the abandoning of the old custom of remaining with the herd during summer as well is said to be that almost all the Fell Lapps have established permanent homes during the last few decades. Of the Crown forest tenant farms in Inari, 19 possessed more than 200 reindeer at the turn of the 20th century. However, by no means all tenant farms were involved in reindeer husbandry alone. On the other hand, Inari's two largest reindeer owning farms both boasted 2,500 head. These appear to have been those homesteads belonging to Niila Magga and Salkko-Niila, the latter of whom was married to Briitta Kitti's daughter, Magga. According to records, at the turn of the 20th century "Little Hannu" (born 1848) owned 2,000 reindeer, while Pyhäjärvi Uula (born 1871) possessed 1,200. Magga Niila and Salkko Niila also kept some cows on their farms, the first having three, and the second four.   The reindeer herding methods practised by our ancestors were the traditional ones. Reindeer dams were caught for milking using lariats and sometimes the animals were driven into specially constructed "milking pens", which had been in extremely common use previously. Traces of the old Lappish style milking pens are still evident among the fells of western Inari. Overall, the reindeer husbandry of the time was restricted in many reindeer herdsmen's cooperative districts to just a handful of people. Most of the reindeer in, for example, the Paistunturi and Kaldoaivi cooperative areas belonged to a few people who relied on reindeer herding as their main source of income. Permanent settlement of Inari by Reindeer Saami gradually began to show up as a spectacular array of conflicts and differences of opinion. Some of the Crown forest tenant farmers wrote to the authorities complaining that the Reindeer Saami let their reindeer herds at round-up time approach too close to their homes and that these did a lot of damage to the "lichen lands". They also protested that, when taking fodder to their animals, these same reindeer men, a "law unto themselves", ruined the postal routes.   The populating of the coniferous forests and fell areas on the Finnish side by Antti Hannunpoika Kitti's descendants can also be discerned from local place names. For instance, in the vicinity of the one-time Peldojuäri Lappish village in Enontekiö one comes across Kitti Guohtamaa, while south of the village of Angeli, in western Inari, a forest area was named "Jovnniilasa Gardevuovdi" after my grandfather Niila Kitti, and among the Muotkatunturi fell chain stands "Jovnniilasa roavvi". South of Lake Paudijärvi lies "Kittilompolo" (a lompolo being a long, thin lake along a river course), the name of which refers to Klemetti Kitti's son, who at one time grazed his reindeer in that area.   Celebrations and the daily routine In wintertime, life was different, as penned once again by Samuli Paulaharju (unofficial translation): " - that which during summer lay scattered over the surroundings, or was stored in a luõvvi or outbuilding, was now pressed into service. Sledges were essential to enable goods to be transported as people moved from one place to another managing their reindeer. Winter, however, brought its own problems in the shape of large wolf packs, which from time to time would collectively attack the herd, scattering it and slaughtering dozens of reindeer. Generally, such packs, having once acquired a taste for blood, would then strike the neighbouring herd, causing the same kind of chaos there. Owing to the wolves, it was necessary for somebody to be with the reindeer the whole time."   Christmas and Easter were holy times for Antti Hannunpoika Kitti's children. They often drove by reindeer sledge to Pielpajärvi church at Christmas. This brought the necessary variation to the year's darkest season. At Easter it was already far lighter and more cheerful. At the church it was possible for the church-going folk to see our forebears dressed in black or white skins. Easter was a time of great celebration for our relatives. The markets were a hive of activity, reindeer being driven hither and thither and brisk trading going on the whole time. On market days there would be a church service and confirmation. In the court cabin, on the other hand, a judge would be reflectively resolving differences of opinion brought up before him.   Who knows, perhaps our ancestors were good at Lappish yodelling, or joika. Presumably among them there were also harbingers gifted with "second sight", which some would dub witches. Unfortunately, information about this is extremely scant and I do not venture to go into the matter at any greater length.   While, during the 19th century, a homestead's nearest neighbours typically lived a great distance away, the great predators of the forest, brown bears, wolves, and wolverines, as well as a variety of smaller ones, lived virtually just over the garden fence. At the time when people began to acquire cattle, the great predators wasted no time in levying their own taxes.   Traditions and reminiscences What I chiefly remember of my own mother, Magga Kitti, who was born in 1898 and whose own grandfather, Jouni, was Antti Hannunpoika's second youngest child, is that she was an admirable raconteur. Listening to her innumerable tales of earth spirits, gnomes, goblins and other strange beings, one could almost feel their presence! This also opened a window on the rich tradition of tale-telling, from which my mother's stories were derived, i.e. she had heard them from her own parents and grandparents. In particular, my mother's account of how a certain Saami had managed to catch a gnome's cow, has remained fixed in my mind. Cows taken from gnomes, we are led to believe, are extremely good milkers. I trust that this event will assist in emboldening members of our "clan" to continue to nurture the family's story-telling heritage and to record all they hear.   In conclusion, I should like to welcome all of you, on behalf of Antti Hannunpoika Kitti's lineage society (officially Antti Hannunpoika Kitti sukuseura ry.) most heartily welcome, to share with us the stages through which the Kitti family has passed and to add your own valuable input. The work has begun, but a lot more remains to be accomplished.   Inari 8.7.2000, Jouni Kitti Antti Hannunpoika Kitti sukuseura ry. puheenjohtaja President of Antti Hannunpoika Kitti's lineage society   Sources: Aarseth, Bjorn 1980: Grenseoppgjorene og konsekvensene av disse for den nordsamiske bosetting i Norge. Grenser i Samenlanded. Norsk Folkmuseums SAMISKE SAMLINGER (s. 43-82). Itkonen T.I. 1948: Suomen lappalaiset vuoteen 1945. I ja II osa. Porvoo Karasjokslekter 1989: Slekhistorie for Karasjok fra 1600-årene till 1980-årene Kautokeinodlekter.2. 1986: Slekhistorie for Kautokeino sogn fra slutten 1600-årene till 1985. Komiteanmietintö 1905:3: Mietintö Lapinmaan taloudellisten olojen tutkimisesta. Komiteanmietintö 1901: Karjan ja porojen omistus Suomen maalaiskunnissa vuonna 1901. Komiteanmietintö 1904:2: Tilattoman väestön alakomitean mietintö kruununmetsämaiden asuttamisesta. Lapin Sivistysseuran saamelainen perherekisterikortisto Nahkiaisoja, Tarja 1995: Inarin pitäjän asutuskehitys vuosina 1805 vuosina 1805 - 1910. Oulun yliopisto, historian laitos. Suomen ja Skandinavian historian pro gradu-tutkimus lokakuu 1995. -s.125. Paulaharju, Samuli 1962: Lapin muisteluksia. Werner Södeström Osakeyhtiö. Porolaidunkomissio 1914. Renvall, A 1919: Mäntymetsän elinehdot sen pohjoisrajalla sekä tämän rajan alenemisen syyt. Valtionneuvoston kirjapaino.